Tag Archives: Middle East

Abdullah II of Jordan 1999

Abdullah II of Jordan

Abdullah II bin AlHussein has been King of Jordan since 1999. He belongs to the Hashemite family, who have ruled Jordan since 1921 and claim agnatic descent from Muhammad’s daughter Fatimah. Abdullah was born in Amman as the first child of King Hussein. 
Religion‎: ‎Sunni Islam
Coronation‎: ‎9 June 1999
House‎: ‎Hashemite
Father‎: ‎Hussein of Jordan
Image result for Abdullah II of Jordan
Image result for king hussein of jordanHussein of Jordan
Former King of Jordan
Hussein bin Talal reigned as King of Jordan from 11 August 1952 until his death. According to Hussein, he was a 40th-generation direct descendant of Muhammad as he belonged to the Hashemite family which has ruled Jordan since 1921. Hussein was born in Amman as the eldest child of Talal bin Abdullah and Zein Al-Sharaf.

Early Jordan

Before 8,000 BC stone age hunters lived in what is now Jordan. However by about 8,000 BC people in the region began farming although they still used stone tools. People began to live in villages. By about 5,000 BC people in Jordan were making pottery. By 4,000 BC they smelted copper and about 3,200 BC they learned to make tools of bronze. During the bronze age many people in Jordan lived in fortified towns. At that time there was a great trade between Egypt and Iraq. So trade routes passed through Jordan.

After 1,500 BC Jordan was divided into highly organised kingdoms. The most important were Moab, Edom and Amon. Then after 500 BC Arabs called the Nabateans migrated to Jordan. They developed a rich kingdom based on the trade routes through the area. Their capital was at Petra. Rome became the new power in the Middle East. At first the Nabateans kept their independence. However in 106 AD they were absorbed into the Roman Empire.

Under Roman rule Jordan continued to flourish and Christianity spread. However the Roman Empire split in two and Jordan became part of the Eastern part, known as the Byzantine Empire.

However in the 7th century Jordan was conquered by Muslims and became part of the Islamic World. For centuries Jordan continued its traditional role of being a trade route between other areas. Then in 1516 it became part of the Turkish Empire. For centuries Jordan changed little. However in the late 19th century Muslims from the Russian Empire arrived in the area, fleeing persecution. In 1908 the Hejaz railway was built from Damascus to Medina. When the First World War began in 1914 the Turkish Empire joined the German side.

Modern Jordan

At that time Arab nationalism was growing, encouraged by the British. In June 1916 a rebellion, The Great Arab Revolt began. Finally in 1918 Turkey was defeated by the allies. However Jordan was not allowed to become independent. In 1921 it was made a British mandate. Abdullah was made emir. However Jordan finally became independent in 1946 and Abdullah became king.

However King Abdullah was assassinated in 1951. He was replaced by his son Talal. However in 1952 he was followed by Hussein. During the 1960s and 1970s economic growth took place in Jordan. Martial law was declared in 1967 but elections were held in 1989. further elections were held in 1993. In 1994 Jordan signed a peace treaty with Israel. Abdullah II became king of Jordan in 1999. Today Jordan faces economic challenges such as poverty and unemployment but the economy is growing steadily. Jordan has great potential for tourism. Today the population of Jordan is 10.2 million.

Image result for jordan map

Yemen War / Houthi 2015

The Yemeni Civil War is an ongoing conflict that began in 2015 between two factions: the then-incumbent Yemeni government, led by Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi, and the Houthi militia, along with their supporters and allies. Both claim to constitute the Yemeni government.

Beaten, burned: Yemeni medic recalls abuse in rebels’ prison

1 of 17
Yemeni medic Farouk Baakar demonstrates how he was shackled to a wall during his torture in a prison run by Yemen’s Houthi rebels. (AP Photo/Nariman El-Mofty)

MARIB, Yemen (AP) — Farouk Baakar was on duty as a medic at al-Rashid hospital the day a bleeding man was brought into the emergency room with gunshot wounds and signs of torture. He’d been whipped across the back and hung by his wrists for days.

The patient, Baakar learned, had been left for dead by the side of a highway after being held captive in a prison run by the Houthi rebels who control northern Yemen.

Baakar spent hours removing bullets and repairing ruptured intestine. He tended to the patient’s recovery for 80 days and, at the end, agreed to pose for a selfie with him.

Then they came for Baakar.

Militiamen stormed the hospital, blindfolded Baakar and hustled him away in a pickup truck. Because he’d given medical help to an enemy of the Houthis, they told him, he was now their enemy too. He spent 18 months in prisons within the expanse of Yemen controlled by the Houthis. He says they burned him, beat him and chained him to the ceiling by his wrists for 50 days until they thought he was dead.

Baakar and his patient are among thousands of people who have been imprisoned by the Houthi militia during the four years of Yemen’s grinding civil war. Many of them, an Associated Press investigation has found, have suffered extreme torture — being smashed in their faces with batons, hung from chains by their wrists or genitals for weeks at a time, and scorched with acid.

This July 25, 2018 photo shows a mobile picture of Monir al-Sharqi, after he was burned by acid, at the Marib General Hospital in Yemen. (AP Photo/Nariman El-Mofty)

The AP spoke with 23 people who said they survived or witnessed torture in Houthi detention sites, as well as with eight relatives of detainees, five lawyers and rights activists, and three security officers involved in prisoner swaps who said they saw marks of torture on inmates.

These accounts underscore the significance of a prisoner-swap agreement reached Thursday at the start of United Nations-sponsored peace talks in Sweden between the Houthi rebels and the Yemeni government backed by Saudi Arabia and the United States.

As a confidence-building measure, the two sides agreed to release thousands of prisoners, though details must still be hammered out. But while the coalition side would release captured Houthi fighters, the rebels would largely free civilians who, like Baakar, were imprisoned in brutal sweeps aimed at suppressing opposition and obtaining captives who could be traded for ransom or exchanged for Houthi fighters held by the other side.

The mother, right, and wife of of a Yemeni detainee who has been held for months in Houthi prison. (AP Photo/Nariman El-Mofty)

The Abductees’ Mothers Union, an association of female relatives of detainees jailed by the Houthis, has documented more than 18,000 detainees in the last four years, including 1,000 cases of torture in a network of secret prisons, according to Sabah Mohammed, a representative of the group in the city of Marib.

The mothers’ group says at least 126 prisoners have died from torture since the Houthis took over the capital, Sanaa, in late 2014.

Mosques, ancient castles, colleges, clubs and other civilian structures have served as first-stop facilities for thousands of detainees before they are moved into official prisons, according to testimonies of victims and human rights agencies. The mother’s group counted 30 so-called black sites in Sanaa alone.

Monir al-Sharqi walks to his bed after nurses changed the dressings on his burns, at the Marib General Hospital. (AP Photo/Nariman El-Mofty)

Houthi leaders previously have denied that they engage in torture, though they did not respond to repeated AP requests for comment in recent weeks.

The Houthis’ Human Rights Ministry said in a statement in late 2016 that “there is no policy or systematic use of torture on prisoners.” It added that the ministry and prosecutors are working to “ensure the rights of prisoners and provide all legal guarantees to achieve justice and fair trials.”

Amnesty International says that “horrific human rights abuses, as well as war crimes, are being committed throughout the country by all parties to the conflict.”

But international outrage over the bloodshed in Yemen has largely focused on abuses carried out by the U.S.-backed and Saudi-led military coalition fighting on the side of the Yemeni government. The AP has exposed torture at secret prisons run by the UAE and their Yemeni allies and has documented the deaths of civilians from strikes by drones in the United States’ campaign against al-Qaida’s branch in Yemen.

A look at the Houthis, the Yemeni rebel movement. (AP Animation/Peter Hamlin)

Abuses by the Houthis have been less visible to the outside world as the rebels worked to eliminate dissent and silence journalists.

From the capital, Sanaa, the Houthis rule over around 70 percent of Yemen’s 29 million people. The Houthis believe they are the descendants of the Prophet Muhammad and, as such, have a divine right to rule Yemen. Those who oppose them are “God’s enemies,” worthy of punishment.

One of the former prisoners of the Houthis who spoke to the AP was a school teacher from the northern city of Dhamar who, after his release, fled to Marib, which is under control of the Houthis’ opponents. He asked that he be identified only by his first name, Hussein, because he fears for the safety of family members still in rebel territory.

He was held for four months and 22 days in an underground cell. He was blindfolded the entire time, he said, but kept count of the days by following the Muslim calls to prayer. Throughout his confinement, he said, his jailers beat him with iron rods and told him he was going to die.

“Prepare your will,” he said they told him.

Yemeni medic Farouk Baakar demonstrates how he was tortured in a prison run by Yemen’s Houthi rebels. (AP Photo/Nariman El-Mofty)

___

‘CRY TEARS OF BLOOD’

The Houthis began in the 1990s as a Shiite revivalist religious movement. The group turned into an armed militia in 2004, when the military under then-President Ali Abdullah Saleh killed their founder, the brother of the current leader, Abdel-Malek al-Houthi.

Saleh fought the Houthi insurgency for six years, with thousands killed on both sides before reaching a cease-fire just months ahead of the 2011 Arab Spring uprising that put an end to his rule.

This 24-year-old student was imprisoned for months by the Houthis, during which he said he was beaten and hung from a ceiling by his handcuffed wrists. (AP Photo/Nariman El-Mofty)

Less than three years later, the Houthis joined ranks with Saleh in an alliance of convenience — the former autocrat saw a possible route back to power, while the rebels gained backing from the army units still loyal to him. Together, they occupied most of northern and western Yemen, driving out Saleh’s successor, Abed Rabbo Mansour Hadi.

In response, the U.S.-backed coalition launched its campaign to restore Hadi’s internationally recognized government and thwart what Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates claim is an attempt by Iran, the Houthis’ ally, to take over.

The Houthis have sought to entrench their rule by cracking down on a wide range of perceived enemies — young activists, religious minorities, socialists and others who might oppose Houthi rule.

But there are divisions within the movement.

Internally, a moderate faction of Houthi leaders acknowledged abuses and sought to put an end to them. The leader’s brother, Yahia al-Houthi, set up a committee in 2016 to investigate reports of torture and indefinite detentions, and helped free 13,500 prisoners in its first three months.

The committee sent a video report to the leader, Abdel-Malek, showing scenes of overcrowded prison wards and prisoners with bruises, along with testimony from senior Houthi figures.

Abdel-Malek never responded. Instead, hard-line security officials shut down the committee and briefly detained two of its members.

The video was not made public, but the AP obtained a copy, and it contains startling admissions from prominent Houthi figures about abuses.

“What we saw would make you cry tears of blood,” one committee member says.

___

‘HELP ME’

The first few months in Houthi detention sites are usually the worst, ex-inmates say, as the militants improvise and inflict their torture.

Anas al-Sarrari recalls slowly regaining consciousness in a dark corridor in the Sanaa’s Political Security prison. The 26-year-old critic of Houthi brutality held his head between his swollen hands and bruised wrists, as flashes of two months of torture raced through his mind.

Anas El Sarray

Anas al-Sarrari sits in his wheelchair in his home in Marib. (AP Photo/Nariman El-Mofty)

He was eating grilled corn when masked militiamen snatched him from a main street in Sanaa one morning in September 2015.

He remembered hanging for 23 hours by his handcuffed wrists from the ceiling of a stuffy interrogation room as numbness claimed his fingers, arms and much of his body. The cuffs began to slit his wrists and he tried to rest on his toes.

“Death must be less painful than this nonstop torture,” he recalled thinking at the time. “One more hour like this and I will die.”

His jailers unchained him from the ceiling for a couple hours each day, when he was given hard bread and a plate of vegetables and dirty rice crawling with cockroaches. When they gave him yogurt, he was able to see the date written on the container and mark the passage of time.

“My mother doesn’t even know if I am alive or dead,” he thought.

He remembered seeing a torturer with a stun gun staring at his head before dealing a blow with all his might. Al-Sarrari collapsed.

He doesn’t know how long it took for the Houthi militiamen to untie him from the ceiling and then dump him in the corridor. He tried to stand but couldn’t pull his body together. “Maybe I am in heaven?” he remembers thinking. “Maybe it’s a bad dream?”

At daylight, he tried again to move, but failed. “Help me,” he screamed. Militiamen dragged him into a cell. Only then did he realize he was paralyzed. He had no one to talk to, no one to take him to the bathroom. He urinated and defecated like a newborn baby.

Guards sometimes took him out to wash and returned him to the filthy cell, where he banged his head on the wall in desperation. After four months, they cleaned him up and released him.

Anas al-Sarrari sits in his wheelchair during a power cut in his home in Marib. (AP Photo/Nariman El-Mofty)

Al-Sarrari showed AP copies of his medical records. He now uses a wheelchair and believes that the purpose of his torture and release was to send a message to others who might want to criticize the Houthis.

“To see people with disabilities, coming out of prison after excessive torture will terrify everyone: Look, this will happen to you if you speak up,” he said.

___

‘PRESSURE ROOM’

The selfie of Baakar with an escaped prisoner was all the evidence seven Houthi militiamen needed of the medic’s disloyalty when they came for him at al-Rashid hospital.

“How much money did they give you to treat the enemies?” one militiaman screamed in his face.

Baakar says they slapped and kicked him, beat him with batons on his face, teeth and body, and taunted him: “You will be killed because you are a traitor.” The militiamen took him to a location he couldn’t identify, stood him on a wooden box, chained his wrists to the ceiling and then kicked the box out from under his feet.

He says they stripped him and whipped his naked body, then pulled out his nails and tore out his hair. He fainted.

“It was so painful, especially when they come the next days and press on the bruises with their fingers,” he said.

The Houthis became more and more creative, Baakar said. They once brought plastic bottles and with a lighter melted the plastic over his head, back, and between his thighs.

Eventually, Baakar was taken to Hodeida castle, the 500-year-old Ottoman-era fortress on the Red Sea coast. He says guards pushed him into a filthy basement known as the “Pressure Room” and hung him by his wrists. In a dark corner, he could see shapes of dead cats and even torn fingers.

When he grew thirsty, he said, torturers splashed water on his face and he licked off the drops. At times, they would let other prisoners enter his cell and give him water from a bottle.

On the day guards thought Baakar had died, then realized he was still alive, they untied him and allowed two prisoners to feed and clean him.

As Baakar began to recover from his wounds, other detainees who had been tortured began asking for his help. He tried to heal the injured. He carried out simple surgeries, without anesthesia, using electric wires, the only tool he had in prison.

Sometimes the guards allowed him to go about his medical work. Other times, he says, they turned on him and punished him for helping his fellow prisoners.

Baakar recalled helping a man who’d been hung by his penis and testes and was unable to urinate. Another man with a white beard and white hair had been badly burned when the Houthis poured acid on his back, melting his skin and nearly sealing his buttocks. Baakar used wires to make an opening and, with his fingers, removed the stool.

“When I asked Houthi guards for help, saying the man is dying, their only answer was: ‘Let him die’,” Baakar said.

The Houthis released Baakar on Dec. 3, 2017 after his family paid 5.5 million rials, about $8,000 at the time.

Soon after he fled to Marib, the anti-Houthi stronghold. He lives in a tent with other refugees, where he continues to treat the sick and wounded.

___

The AP’s reporting on the war in Yemen is supported by a grant from the Pulitzer Center on Crisis Reporting.

Yemen War 2015-

All sides in Yemen conflict could be guilty of war crimes, says UN

(CNN)Parties fighting a brutal civil war in Yemen have conducted attacks that were “disproportionate” and could be considered war crimes, a United Nations panel of experts announced Tuesday.

Their report, which comes after multiple recent civilian deaths, points to thousands of civilian casualties caused by Saudi-led coalition airstrikes, widespread arbitrary detention, torture, sexual violence and the conscription of children as young as 8 into Yemen’s armed forces, all of which are crimes under international law.

Related image
All sides are “responsible for a violation of human rights” and crimes “continue to be perpetrated,” the report says.
“The violations we have documented were horrendous,” said Kamel Jendoubi, chairperson of the Group of International and Regional Eminent Experts on Yemen, the report’s authors, at a press conference Tuesday morning.
The Yemen war began in early 2015 when Houthi rebels — a minority Shia group from the north of the country — drove out the US-backed government and took over the capital, Sanaa.

Who are the Houthi?

Like many Iranian-backed groups such as Hezbollah, the Houthi movement attracts its ZaidiShia followers in Yemen by promoting regional political-religious issues in its media, including the overarching US-Israeli conspiracy and Arab “collusion”.
The crisis quickly escalated into a multi-sided war, with neighboring Saudi Arabia leading a coalition of Gulf states against the Houthi rebels. The coalition is advised and supported by the US and the UK, among other nations.
Earlier this month, CNN established that a bomb that hit a school bus and killed dozens of children was US-made and had been sold to Saudi Arabia as part of a State Department-sanctioned arms deal.
On Monday, CNN learned that the Pentagon warned Saudi Arabia that it is prepared to reduce military and intelligence support if the Saudis do not demonstrate efforts to limit civilian deaths in airstrikes.
Responding to the UN’s findings Tuesday, Saudi-led coalition spokesman Col. Turki al-Malki told CNN that the report had been referred to the coalition’s legal team.
“After a legal review, the coalition will take the appropriate stance regarding this matter and it will be announced,” al-Maliki said.

Yemen father dead son airstrikes lon orig EJK _00002513

Dad finds the body of his son killed in airstrike01:40

‘Prioritize human dignity’

Tuesday’s report covers the period from September 2014 to June 2018 and was the result of an investigation by the panel, which was mandated by the UN Human Rights Council and conducted more than a dozen fact-finding missions in Yemen and neighboring countries.
The group highlights a lack of proportionality in the use of blockades, which “have had widespread and devastating effects on the civilian population,” and in direct attacks on civilians.
Since March 2015, 6,660 civilians have been killed in the conflict and more than 10,500 injured, according to the UN Human Rights Office, but the group of experts warns that the real numbers are likely to be much higher, pointing to coalition airstrikes that have hit residential areas, markets, weddings and medical facilities.
“There is little evidence of any attempt by parties to the conflict to minimize civilian casualties. I call on them to prioritize human dignity in this forgotten conflict,” said Jendoubi, the expert panel’s chairperson.
Further potential violations of international law highlighted in the report include the implementation of severe naval and air restrictions such as the closure of Sanaa airport — which violates international humanitarian law covering protection for the sick and wounded — ill-treatment and torture in detention facilities across the country and restrictions to freedom of expression in the form of the relentless harassment of journalists by the government of Yemen and coalition forces.

‘The crisis has reached its peak’

As supporters of the Saudi-led coalition in Yemen, the US and the UK are both implicated in the report’s allegations regarding disproportionate attacks on civilians.
The bomb that killed 51 children earlier this month was found by CNN to be a US-made, 500-pound (227 kilogram) laser-guided MK 82 bomb, a similar weapon to the one that killed 155 people in an attack on a funeral hall in October 2016. Earlier that same year, a strike on a Yemeni market — this time reportedly by a US-supplied precision-guided MK 84 bomb — killed 97 people.
The US has defended its role by saying that it does not make targeting decisions for the coalition.
In response to questions about the role of the US and UK in supplying weapons to the international coalition, UN expert Charles Garraway said that issue was “strictly speaking outside our mandate” and that “we do not to seek allocate percentage of blame on any particular party.”
The UN panel has, however, identified “wherever possible” individuals who “may be responsible” for the crimes, Jendoubi said. That confidential list will be sent to the High Commissioner later on Tuesday, he said.
The panel is calling for the “immediate cessation of violation against civilians,” in a conflict that Jendoubi said “seems to be overlooked.”
“This crisis has reached its peak with no apparent light at the end of the tunnel,” added Garraway. “It is indeed a forgotten crisis.”
By Judith Vonberg and Nima Elbagir, CNN

Mohammed bin Salman / Khashoggi 2018

What the media aren’t telling you about Jamal Khashoggi

The dissident’s fate says a lot about Saudi Arabia and the rise of the mobster state

As someone who spent three decades working closely with intelligence services in the Arab world and the West, the Saudi dissident and Washington Post columnist Jamal Khashoggi knew he was taking a huge risk in entering the Saudi consulate in Istanbul last week to try to obtain a document certifying he had divorced his ex-wife.

A one-time regime insider turned critic of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman — the de facto head of the Saudi kingdom which tolerates no criticism whatsoever — Khashoggi had been living in Washington for the previous year in self-imposed exile amid a crackdown on independent voices in his homeland.

Image result for Khashoggi’s

He had become the darling of western commentators on the Middle East. With almost two million Twitter followers, he was the most famous political pundit in the Arab world and a regular guest on the major TV news networks in Britain and the United States. Would the Saudis dare to cause him harm? It turns out that the answer to that question was ‘You betcha.’

Following uneventful visits to the consulate and, earlier, the Saudi embassy in Washington, Khashoggi was lured into a murderous plan so brazen, so barbaric, that it would seem far-fetched as a subplot in a John le Carré novel. He went inside the Istanbul consulate, but failed to emerge. Turkish police and intelligence officials claimed that a team of 15 hitmen carrying Saudi diplomatic passports arrived the same morning on two private jets. Their convoy of limousines arrived at the consulate building shortly before Khashoggi did.

Their not-so-secret mission? To torture, then execute, Khashoggi, and videotape the ghastly act for whoever had given the order for his merciless dispatch. Khashoggi’s body, Turkish officials say, was dismembered and packed into boxes before being whisked away in a black van with darkened windows. The assassins fled the country.

Saudi denials were swift. The ambassador to Washington said reports that Saudi authorities had killed Khashoggi were ‘absolutely false’. But under the circumstances — with his fiancée waiting for him, and no security cameras finding any trace of his leaving the embassy — the world is left wondering if bin Salman directed this murder. When another Saudi official chimed in that ‘with no body, there is no crime’, it was unclear whether he was being ironic. Is this great reforming prince, with aims the West applauds, using brutal methods to dispose of his enemies? What we have learned so far is far from encouraging. A Turkish newspaper close to the government this week published the photographs and names of the alleged Saudi hitmen, and claims to have identified three of them as members of bin Salman’s personal protection team.

Image result for Mohammed bin Salman

There are also reports in the American media that all surveillance footage was removed from the consulate building, and that all local Turkish employees there were suddenly given the day off. According to the New York Times, among the assassination team was the kingdom’s top forensic expert, who brought a bone saw to dismember Khashoggi’s body. None of this has yet been independently verified, but a very dark narrative is emerging.

In many respects, bin Salman’s regime has been revolutionary: he has let women drive, sided with Israel against Iran and curtailed the religious police. When Boris Johnson was foreign secretary, he said that bin Salman was the best thing to happen to the region in at least a decade, that the style of government of this 33-year-old prince was utterly different. But the cruelty and the bloodletting have not stopped. Saudi Arabia still carries out many public beheadings and other draconian corporal punishments. It continues to wage a war in Yemen which has killed at least 10,000 civilians.

Related image

Princes and businessmen caught up in a corruption crackdown are reported to have been tortured; Shia demonstrators have been mowed down in the streets and had their villages reduced to rubble; social media activists have been sentenced to thousands of lashes; families of overseas-based activists have been arbitrarily arrested. In an attempt to justify this, bin Salman said this week he was ‘trying to get rid of extremism and terrorism without civil war, without stopping the country from growing, with continuous progress in all elements,’ adding: ‘So if there is a small price in that area, it’s better than paying a big debt to do that move.’

Image result for saudi arabia map

The fate of Khashoggi has at least provoked global outrage, but it’s for all the wrong reasons. We are told he was a liberal, Saudi progressive voice fighting for freedom and democracy, and a martyr who paid the ultimate price for telling the truth to power. This is not just wrong, but distracts us from understanding what the incident tells us about the internal power dynamics of a kingdom going through an unprecedented period of upheaval. It is also the story of how one man got entangled in a Saudi ruling family that operates like the Mafia. Once you join, it’s for life, and if you try to leave, you become disposable.

In truth, Khashoggi never had much time for western-style pluralistic democracy. In the 1970s he joined the Muslim Brotherhood, which exists to rid the Islamic world of western influence. He was a political Islamist until the end, recently praising the Muslim Brotherhood in the Washington Post. He championed the ‘moderate’ Islamist opposition in Syria, whose crimes against humanity are a matter of record. Khashoggi frequently sugarcoated his Islamist beliefs with constant references to freedom and democracy. But he never hid that he was in favour of a Muslim Brotherhood arc throughout the Middle East. His recurring plea to bin Salman in his columns was to embrace not western-style democracy, but the rise of political Islam which the Arab Spring had inadvertently given rise to. For Khashoggi, secularism was the enemy.

He had been a journalist in the 1980s and 1990s, but then became more of a player than a spectator. Before working with a succession of Saudi princes, he edited Saudi newspapers. The exclusive remit a Saudi government–appointed newspaper editor has is to ensure nothing remotely resembling honest journalism makes it into the pages. Khashoggi put the money in the bank — making a handsome living was always his top priority. Actions, anyway, speak louder than words.

It was Yasin Aktay — a former MP for Turkey’s ruling Justice and Development party (AKP) — whom Khashoggi told his fiancée to call if he did not emerge from the consulate. The AKP is, in effect, the Turkish branch of the Muslim Brotherhood. His most trusted friend, then, was an adviser to President Erdogan, who is fast becoming known as the most vicious persecutor of journalists on earth. Khashoggi never meaningfully criticised Erdogan. So we ought not to see this as the assassination of a liberal reformer.

Khashoggi had this undeserved status in the West because of the publicity surrounding his sacking as editor of the Saudi daily Al Watan back in 2003. (I broke the news of his removal for Reuters. I’d worked alongside Khashoggi at the Saudi daily Arab News during the preceding years.) He was dismissed because he allowed a columnist to criticise an Islamist thinker considered to be the founding father of Wahhabism. Thus, overnight, Khashoggi became known as a liberal progressive.

The Muslim Brotherhood, though, has always been at odds with the Wahhabi movement. Khashoggi and his fellow travellers believe in imposing Islamic rule by engaging in the democratic process. The Wahhabis loathe democracy as a western invention. Instead, they choose to live life as it supposedly existed during the time of the Muslim prophet. In the final analysis, though, they are different means to achieving the same goal: Islamist theocracy. This matters because, although bin Salman has rejected Wahhabism — to the delight of the West — he continues to view the Muslim Brotherhood as the main threat most likely to derail his vision for a new Saudi Arabia. Most of the Islamic clerics in Saudi Arabia who have been imprisoned over the past two years — Khashoggi’s friends — have historic ties to the Muslim Brotherhood. Khashoggi had therefore emerged as a de facto leader of the Saudi branch. Due to his profile and influence, he was the biggest political threat to bin Salman’s rule outside of the royal family.

Worse, from the royals’ point of view, was that Khashoggi had dirt on Saudi links to al Qaeda before the 9/11 attacks. He had befriended Osama bin Laden in the 1980s and 1990s in Afghanistan and Sudan while championing his jihad against the Soviets in dispatches. At that same time, he was employed by the Saudi intelligence services to try to persuade bin Laden to make peace with the Saudi royal family. The result? Khashoggi was the only non-royal Saudi who had the beef on the royals’ intimate dealing with al Qaeda in the lead-up to the 9/11 attacks. That would have been crucial if he had escalated his campaign to undermine the crown prince.

Like the Saudi royals, Khashoggi dissociated himself from bin Laden after 9/11 (which Khashoggi and I watched unfold together in the Arab News office in Jeddah). But he then teamed up as an adviser to the Saudi ambassador to London and then Washington, Prince Turki Al Faisal. The latter had been Saudi intelligence chief from 1977 until just ten days before the 9/11 attacks, when he inexplicably resigned. Once again, by working alongside Prince Turki during the latter’s ambassadorial stints, as he had while reporting on bin Laden, Khashoggi mixed with British, US and Saudi intelligence officials. In short, he was uniquely able to acquire invaluable inside information.

The Saudis, too, may have worried that Khashoggi had become a US asset. In Washington in 2005, a senior Pentagon official told me of a ridiculous plan they had to take ‘the Saudi out of Arabia’ (as was the rage post-9/11). It involved establishing a council of selected Saudi figures in Mecca to govern the country under US auspices after the US took control of the oil. He named three Saudis the Pentagon team were in regular contact with regarding the project. One of them was Khashoggi. A fantasy, certainly, but it shows how highly he was regarded by those imagining a different Saudi Arabia.

Perhaps it was for this and other reasons — and working according to the dictum of keeping your enemies closer — that a few weeks ago, according to a friend of Khashoggi, bin Salman had made a traditional tribal offer of reconciliation — offering him a place as an adviser if he returned to the kingdom. Khashoggi had declined because of ‘moral and religious’ principles. And that may have been the fatal snub, not least because Khashoggi had earlier this year established a new political party in the US called Democracy for the Arab World Now, which would support Islamist gains in democratic elections throughout the region. Bin Salman’s nightmare of a Khashoggi-led Islamist political opposition was about to become a reality.

The West has been fawning over bin Salman. But how now to overlook what seems to be a brazen Mafia-style murder? ‘I don’t like hearing about it,’ Donald Trump said. ‘Nobody knows anything about it, but there’s some pretty bad stories going around. I do not like it.’ Well, there are plenty more stories where that came from, stories about a ruthless prince whose opponents have a habit of disappearing. The fate of Khashoggi is the latest sign of what’s really happening inside Saudi Arabia. For how much longer will our leaders look the other way?

Hamas 1987

Hamas (Arabic: حماس Ḥamās, an acronym of حركة المقاومة الاسلامية Ḥarakat al-Muqāwamah al-ʾIslāmiyyah Islamic Resistance Movement) is a Palestinian Sunni-Islamist fundamentalist organization. It has a social service wing, Dawah, and a military wing, the Izz ad-Din al-Qassam Brigades.

What is the difference between Fatah, Hamas, and Hezbollah?

Image result for Gaza City

First I’ll start with the main similarities: they are all officially political parties, although Hamas and Hezbollah are essentially terrorist organizations with political parties at their disposal. Also, they are all opposed to Israel in one way or another. Fun guys.

Now the differences:

Fatah: secular (de facto Sunni), primarily in the West Bank, “moderate”

Fatah showed up on the scene as a terrorist organization (the PLO) in the 1950’s (before the occupation mind you) with the goal of destroying Israel. It declared a Palestinian state in 1988 and was recognized as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people by Israel during the Oslo Accords. Since then it’s been governing the West Bank and making threats against Israel. However, it does not call for genocide.

Hamas: religious (Sunni), primarily in Gaza, extremist:

Hamas appeared during the First Intifada to promote Islamism and won a landslide victory in Gaza during the 2006 Palestinian elections. It’s been controlling Gaza and firing rockets at Israel ever since (with the occasional genocide threat as well, it’s all in good fun).

Hezbollah: religious (Shiite), primarily in Lebanon, extremist:

Hezbollah emerged in the 1980’s in Lebanon to promote Islam as interpreted by the Iranian regime and to fight Israel during both Lebanon wars. It has a complicated history but right now is a combatant in the Syrian Civil War, is used by Iran to limit the power of actual political parties in Lebanon (by being the largest member of one of the two coalition), and threatens to attack Israel (although in practice mostly leaves Israel alone).

Fatah is obviously the most moderate out of the three although they aren’t particularly moderate at all.

Hezbollah and Hamas have massive external funding (Hezbollah from Iran and Hamas from Qatar and other Gulf states as well as Iran) while Fatah does not have as much foreign funding. It is, however, backed in one way or another by Sunni states, as well as Israel, the US, and the EU, in the form of the Palestinian Authority (the government which it controls).

Image result for palestine